Misfits Dyskografia. Pagan Black Metal. Hefeysto s. Psycho Cafe. Vilce Sjem. Absurd - Asgardsrei. Ad Hominem. Blind Justice. Brainwash - Time to Act. DDT Italian. Division - Anos. Drudkh - Handful of Stars. Drudkh - Microcosmos. Einher - Morderczy Amok. Fraction Hexagon - Rejoins nos rangs. Fraction Hexagon - Europa. Honor - Cena Idei.
Honor - Droga Bez Odwrotu. Ian Stuart used this hiatus from performing and recording to strengthen his political ties with the NF Party by appearing at ral- lies throughout Britain to recruit young white voters.
Although there was not an official gov- ernment ban, the major British media continued to refuse to play Skrewdrivers music and the band dissolved again in The bands struggles during these years illustrate powerfully how informal censor- ship by other artists, businesses, ordinary citizens, and public officials can complement more formal state legislation against hate music.
Then in , Skrew- driver released two new and very popular songs, Back with a Bang and Boots and Braces. Increased racist skinhead demand for their music resurrected the band once again. Seeing the recruiting potential of Skrewdrivers music, the NF created its own record label, White Noise Records, and produced the bands first explicitly political songs: White Power, Smash the I.
With NF support, Skrewdriver began to attract large audiences, and their con- certs often provoked violent clashes between supporters of RAR and Rock Against Communism RAC , the now-organized racist skinhead countermovement. The band again faced mainstream club and media bans, but this time support from the NF meant they had access to alternate venues and could continue to perform. The international white supremacist movement now also became interested in Skrewdrivers music.
Stories about the band began to appear in white nationalist publications in the United States and Europe. When the German label Rock-O-Rama offered Skrewdriver a new recording contract, the band began producing and distributing their music in Europe.
Shortly thereafter, Ian Stuart was jailed for twelve months due to a street fight with a group of Blacks. By , Skrewdriver had become an established racist skinhead band and was ready to break with the NF Party, which they claimed had mismanaged funds from their British record sales. It continues to maintain a fanzine and a website and to promote Skrewdrivers music and other racist skinhead bands under the label White Power Music.
The Klansmens first release was Fetch the Rope in They per- formed rockabilly music, a s mix of country, rhythm and blues, and western music that some consider rock n roll. The Klansmen specifically targeted audiences in the American South. In his biogra- phy of Ian Stuart, Benny describes their sound as pure Rock and Roll Nationalism with a deep south flavour for those with quiffs and confederate flags. He explained the creation of White Diamond as follows: Basically we are just spreading our wings and trying to appeal to everybody, not just skinheads.
Their songs convey Ian Stuarts message of white supremacy with the greatest clarity and maturity, and with a sense of increased urgency.
Theyre bringing in so many new laws in this country. Or dead! The neofascist aesthetic that Ian Stuart reproduces in his racist skin- head music functions as political ideology and framing device. Standard definitions of political ideology vary considerably and they are often themselves ideologically charged.
Yet widespread agreement exists that ideologies are coherent, consistent belief systems that inform, justify, and motivate political action. Scholars continue to debate whether nationalism, including white nationalism, constitutes a political ideology in its own right.
Some portray nationalism as a thin ideology because it empha- sizes the exceptional worth of the nation and little else. Some critics of neoliberalism prefer to characterize capitalist globalization as imperial globalism or even global empire. Their critiques are powerful reminders that cultures, ideologies, laws, religions, and values are globalized along with mar- kets. As an ideo- logical structure, hatred is rooted in subconscious anxieties and aver- sions associated with psychological processes of abjection.
Like many scholars, Yanay turns to Julia Kristevas characterization of the abject as what I permanently thrust aside in order to live.
The self affirms its own identity and purity through these expulsions and constructs the abject as a foreign object. Along with anxiety and aversion, abjection involves ambivalence toward the foreign objects it constructs. Regarding abjected groups, Yanay notes two contradictory and opposite aims at once: the need for contact, dependency, inclusion, and proximity and the need for separation, differentiation, exclusion, and distance.
Hate music articulates white identity in these negative and oppositional terms: We are anti- Asian, anti-Black, anti-Christian, antifeminist, anti-gay, anti-Hispanic, and anti-Muslim, the list goes on. Within this ideological structure, the Other becomes the object of the dominant groups anger, hatred, and violence, and the source of their desires for mastery and fears of defeat. Although I agree with Yanay that hatred is often structural, I doubt that the concept of ideology can encompass fully the phenome- non of hate music.
Another term, framing device, seems a more apt descriptor. Compared to ideologies, framing involves more dynamic, fluid, and unstable processes of meaning construction. As Corte and Edwards define it, framing refers to the production of meaning, the signifying work through which social movement activists seek to con- struct their self-presentation and the presentation of events in order to maintain and draw support.
Along with these cognitive meanings, it has affective, physical, and spiritual effects on target audiences. White supremacists repeatedly claim that musical expression is more effec- tive than verbal messages for recruiting members.
Along with their music, performers are known for their costumes, dances, fanzines, gestures, hairstyles, posters, tattoos, and videos.
These nonverbal fea- tures of music scenes work along with song lyrics to frame individual and collective identities through processes beyond conscious aware- ness. Simon Frith characterizes how music can frameand reframe audience perceptions: In taking pleasure from black or gay or female music I dont thus identify as black or gay or female Music making and music listening White power musicians urge their audiences instead to imag- ine new transnational white supremacist identities.
According to Jessie Daniels, the greatest danger white supremacy poses is the distorted view of reality it promotes through its websites and the music they often promote.
This misperception reflects what Mills calls an epis- temology of ignorance, or the inability of many whites to perceive accurately the racial order they have created. Within their inverted real- ity, whites may even reframe themselves as the victims of racism rather than its beneficiaries and perpetrators.
When forced to live within this white racial frame, nonwhites typi- cally develop what W. Du Bois calls double consciousness. Awareness and acceptance of white reality is an unfortunate condition of survival for many nonwhites. In addi- tion to this effect of double consciousness, Du Bois discusses how white supremacy presumes that American citizens are white, not Black, Brown, Red, or Yellow.
Nonwhites, who understand these forms of double consciousness, can perceive de facto as well as de jure racial hegemony clearly even when many white people cannot. Two main features of Ian Stuarts music reproduce this white racial frame and displace whites anger, fear, and hate onto nonwhite Oth- ers. First, his racial transnationalism inverts nation-state sovereignty and promotes white supremacy as a global hybrid movement.
Second, the racist skinhead music scene he helped to mobilize inverts central- ized leadership and organizes a cellular network of white suprema- cists. Although the white power music scene shares its inverted racial frame with classical fascism, the global, hybrid, and cellular networks of racist skinheads and their music reflect a distinctly neofascist politi- cal aesthetic.
Unlike classical fascist ideology, racist skinheads music scene knows no country. Ian Stuarts music combines and shifts lyrics and styles to suit local, national, and global audiences. In effect, his hybrid music turns liberal democratic nations inside out and creates a transnational white supremacist movement.
Multiple Skrewdriver songs extoll pan-Aryan racial community and the expansionist politics of empire, even as they condemn immigra- tion and nonwhite immigrants. One of Ian Stuarts favorites, Tomorrow Belongs to Me, appeals to future generations of white youth with a vision of the once and future British Empire. With these allusions to ancient warriors, epic battles, and mythical origins, Ian Stu- art invokes an imagined white community that is global in its reach. Economic exploitation and political corruption are prominent explanations in Skrewdrivers music for Britains decline.
For racist skinheads, the cross-class alliance of contemporary white supremacy does not absolve capitalists and politicians from responsibility for their corruption and greed. Well, its just unbelievable, being put away just for selling records. As far as Im concerned and as far as anybody I know is concerned, there has never been anything to say that you cant sell records, whatever they were.
Take American rap- per Ice T, some stores said that they wouldnt stock it, but most stores do still stock it. It was all a publicity stunt and has sold more records because of it. Hes never been charged. Obviously there is nothing wrong in singing about killing white people and police. No-one was ever done by the law for sell- ing Ice T records, and no-one has ever been arrested either. Like many white power musicians, he vehemently denied that his music promoted racial hatred and violence, claiming instead that it espoused white pride: Our records do not incite violence at all, our lyrics are basically about being proud of our white race.
Axl Rose from Guns and Roses can get away with saying that naughty N word, because hes a druggie and has got a black in the band, but I cant risk saying that N word, unless of course I smoke a joint at gigs and get a rasta bass player, then its okay. Thats how fucked up and hypocritical everything is. Blacks, Asians, Communists, Jews, and Pakistanis become the source of racist skinheads and ulti- mately, Britains problems and, hence, the justifiable targets of their anger, hatred, and violence.
Being white functions here as what Wendy Brown calls a wounded attachment, a politicized identity based on a story of shared suffering and struggle. It is a reactive identity formed through negation of the very Other on which it depends for self-definition. Although racist skin- heads claim their music expresses white pride and self-love, these emo- tions arise in opposition to a presumed enemy, who becomes the object of blame and reproach.
In this sense, their ressentiment is an artifact of liberal politics with its principles of individual freedom and respon- sibility. Confronted by failing economic and political systems, racist skinheads conclude that someone must be held responsible. Brown finds political expressions of ressentiment in neoconservative anti-statism, racism, charges of reverse racism, and so forth. Two additional themespraise for heroic racial warriors and con- cern for the white working poorreveal how Ian Stuart uses iconic symbols to reframe white supremacy for fans across the globe.
Nazi references also occur in songs by The Klansmen, Ian Stuarts second band, which targeted audiences in the American South. For audiences in the US rural South, Ian Stuart also shifts the images of rebellion presented in his songs. He replaces references to urban skinhead gangs antisocial behavior with calls for vigilante violence and direct action against oppressive federal laws.
Concern for the working poor also takes different cultural, eco- nomic, and political forms in the songs of Skrewdriver and The Klans- men. Multiple Klansmen songs associate white poverty with outlaw and rebel themes. Although praise for Hitler and the Nazis persists, The Klansmens songs focus white working-class anger less on anti-Semitism or even anticommunism and redirect audiences racial hatred toward Black sharecroppers and Asian immigrants, especially those from Vietnam.
These racialized Others are typically accused of stealing American farms and jobs from poor whites. In the songs of White Diamond, Ian Stuarts third and final band, he articulates this white supremacist message with his greatest urgency. A raw, stark quality marks the lyrics of songs like Politician: Politician, are you really sane? The Klansmens song Rock n Roll Patriots weaves together the US flag, our freedoms, white America, and anti- gay, anti-red, anti-green transnational politics:.
Some play for Lenin, for others its Marx, as long as its red Some play for Greenpeace, lettuce and cress, I like meat with my bread Cos they play for anything, just as long as its financing their own We fight for freedom and pride of our race, were gonna reclaim that goal. Cos were Rock n roll Patriots now, red, white and blue Rock n roll patriots yeah, and were playing for you. Like his lyrics, Ian Stuarts rhythms and melodies are also cultur- ally hybrid. West Indian and African musical traditions as well as Brit- ish punk influenced what would become skinheads distinctive musical genre, called Oi!
The characteristic rhythm of reggae music evolved from Jamaican ska; it mimics musically the two-step beat of the human heart. Amon Saba Saakana describes reggae as a new sensoform and extols its power to align the body rhythms of an audience. With these influences, Oi! British skinhead fashion was also a hybrid of West Indian immi- grant and British working-class styles. The skinheads clean, hard look combined the Rude-boy fashion that originated in the Kings- ton ghettos with a caricature of the model worker: cropped hair, braces, short, wide Levi jeans or functional sta-prest trousers, plain or striped button-down Ben Sherman shirts and highly polished Doc- tor Marten boots.
As Timothy Brown attests: With the emergence of Oi! This increasing distance also set the stage for Skrewdrivers political affiliation with the British National Front. Timothy Brown summarizes succinctly how working-class skin- heads evolved into white racial warriors: As an attempt to establish a defensively organized collective around a mythic image of proletarian masculinity, skinhead involved an embracing, and even an amplifica- tion of, the prejudices of the parent society.
It was very easy for this stance to dissolve in the words of Dick Hebdige into a concern with race, with the myth of white ethnicity, the myth, that is, that youve got to be white to be British. Never mind that the first skinheads included black guys and that there were Jamaican influences. We were told that, of course. And we were like, Whatever, thats just Jewish propaganda. With his global hybrid music Ian Stuart reframes classical fascist ideology for listeners with variedneo-Nazi, KKK, and racist skin- headcultural and political histories of white supremacy.
By shifting languages and codes, his song lyrics position the local, national, and regional struggles of white listeners within a broader global race war. As I discuss later, his hybrid rhythms and sounds also foster a strong sense of racial solidarity among his global audiences. Ian Stuart and his supporters use multiple mediaconcert promoters, fanzines, party platforms, record companies, and websitesto carry their music from Britain to Germany, Eastern and Southern Europe, the United States, and beyond.
In addition to his hybrid lyrics, Ian Stuart uses his performative aes- thetic to promote a cellular network of racist skinheads across the globe. Most of Ian Stuarts songs have catchy tunes and simple refrains.
Unlike some skinhead bands whose music is unintelligible growls, the ideological messages in his lyrics are easily understood. These features make it easy for listeners to sing or shout along at live performances. Many Klansmen songs borrow from traditional South- ern ballads with tunes that are already familiar to their audiences. We hear the slogan White people awake, save our great race twice per chorus, eight times per total throughout an entire song, and if they play the tape five times a week and just listen to that one song, they are listening to [the slogan] 40 times in one week, which means times a month.
You do the math behind that. Ian Stuarts pounding guitar chords, frequent strong modulations, and thundering drum beats also have a physical impact on audiences. The relatively poor quality of much recorded white power music seems to be largely irrelevant here. Every skinhead can tell you about that.
It was a bootleg of a bootleg of a bootleg and the sound wasnt worth shit, but it was still magical. It was instantaneous. Concerts frequently spilled over into the streets and triggered fights between RAC supporters and RAR protesters, and between the bands fans and Blacks and gays.
Today racist skinhead concerts and videos usually include circle and slam dances intended to enhance listeners visceral and often violent responses. Concert crowds often get out of control and injure participants, bystanders, and even band members. Recognizing this phenomenon, German government sources have described racist skinhead music as Gateway Drug 1 to violence. He thought these softer sounds would not only appeal to audiences in the American South but also prompt less fan violence.
There is a powerful collective aspect to racist skinheads performa- tive aesthetic. As we have already discussed, white power music pro- motes muscular bonding, an experience of coordinated group action that neutralizes individuals sense of physical vulnerability. White power musicians instead use ecstatic experiences to mobilize their audiences for racist violence. Arno Michaelis describes this musical effect: the music physically shook me.
He sums up: We were all cells in the same organism. Racist skinheads challenge the central leadership and hierarchical authority of classical fascism and, more broadly, state sovereignty. Their inverted fascist aes- thetic models a new grassroots political formation that best resem- bles what Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri call swarm intelligence.
Hardt and Negri define a swarm as a mobilization of the common that takes the form of an open, distributed network, in which no cen- ter exerts control and all nodes express themselves freely. Progressive social and political movements, such as Occupy Wall Street or earlier the Seattle WTO protests, are known for swarm behavior. In response to police actions, they often function as a smart mob.
The rest of the guys fed off the fury that had leaped from me to Pat to them like wildfire. We could all feel the group attack; it was as if a single murder- ous entity had been formed.
They also contrast the innovative networks of progressive movements with traditional terrorist groupsfrom Al-Qaeda to the radical rightthat employ outmoded forms of top- down authority. For this reason, it is a mistake to regard their inverted political aesthetic as simply a regression to premodern or tra- ditional structures of authority.
A better descriptor would be hyper-, post-, or ultramodern, even though deeply rooted cultural and political traditions of white supremacy are also mobilized by the movement. In Leaderless Resistance, the white nationalist Louis Beam con- trasts the phantom cells of contemporary right-wing extremists with the pyramid type groups led by Hitler, Mussolini, and Stalin. Beam writes: Let the coming night be filled with a thousand points of resis- tance. Like the fog which forms when conditions are right and disap- pears when they are not, so must the resistance to tyranny be.
WAR doesnt require you to march around a muddy street. WAR works the modern way, with thousands of friends doing their part behind the scenes, within the system, serv- ing their race. According to Metzger, this appearance of normalcy keeps the movement secure and strong: The movement will not be stopped.
Were too deep! Were embedded now! Dont you under- stand? Were in your colleges, were in your armies, were in your police forces, were in your technical areas!
Where do you think a lot of the skinheads disappeared to? They grew their hair out. Went to college. Theyve got the program. We planted the seeds. Stopping Tom Metzger is not going to change whats going to happen in this country now. Kathleen Blee labels this politi- cal aesthetic anarcho-proto-fascist, because it inverts the central- ized leadership and hierarchical authority of classical totalitarianism. The aesthetic politics of racist skinheads inverted totalitarianism turns liberal democratic politics inside out global hybrids and upside down cellular networks , while sustaining an epistemology of igno- rance white racial frame.
In this troubled relationship between white supremacy and liberal democracy, both sides are playing with hate. Liberal democrats may choose to tolerate or simply ignore white power music as an expression of artistic, political, and, as I discuss in more detail later, religious freedom. At the same time, many racist skinhead bands intentionally leave the political questions their racially motivated hate music poses open. Although punk musicians often wear swastikas and other Nazi insignia, some scholars claim their use of these symbols no longer con- notes fascist politics but merely introduces chaos and disorder into the normal routines of everyday life.
One is never entirely sure just which side [the Clash] is sup- posed to be taking, wrote Nick Kent in New Musical Express. The Clash use incidents Strummer squints at me for a moment, his thoughtful mouth hemming his craggy teeth.
Were against fascism and racism, he says. I figure that goes without saying. Id like to think that were subtle; thats what greatness is, in nit? I cant stand all these people preaching, like Tom Robinson. Hes just too direct. But that ambiguity can be construed as encouraging violence. Our musics violent, says Strummer. Were not. If any- thing, songs like Guns on the Roof and Last Gang in Town are supposed to take the piss out of violence. Its just that sometimes you have to put yourself in the place of the guy with the machine gun.
I couldnt go to his extreme, but at the same time, its no good ignoring what hes doing. We sing about the world that affects us. Were not just another wank rock group like Boston or Aerosmith. The Clashs music, Strummer says, merely mirrors the violence of the larger society and, in the process, helps defuse that violence by giving audiences a cathartic experience.
Even if one accepts this argument, it strains credulity to think that the hand-drawn swastikas on the shirts of Skrewdrivers band mem- bers were merely chosen for their shock value. What of the white- robed figures, Confederate flag, and rope noose on the covers of The Klansmens CDs? Or the grim reaper prominently featured on the White Diamond label?
When asked to describe Ian Stuart, Grinny, an original band member, said, Ian was funny to be around, a piss taker. Where we lived, even now, people who knew Ian nearly all had nick- names that have stuck, that were made up by Ian.
Grinny also says that Ian could talk anyone round to his point of view. He was defi- nitely charismatic and once you met him you didnt forget him. It wasnt serious. In The Lonely Crowd, David Riesman discusses how opportunities for rebel- lion and deviance are built into most cultures, for example, by holding bawdy festivals on special days or giving their young people and some- times older women more leeway regarding norms of proper behav- ior. Traditional myths whose romantic heroes reinforce cultural norms often also include lesser characters who break the rules, do terrible things, and survive to be remembered for it.
Riesman sees these sto- ries and tales with their culturally approved fantasies as precursors to mass media portrayals of good and bad. He claims that the ambivalence of the stories helps the young to integrate their forbid- den impulses by recognizing them as part of their legacy as human beings, making it possible to form an underground connection, via myth, between repressed sectors of the adults and sectors of the young.
According to Keith Harris, such seemingly playful hatred can protect a racist band by creating a sense of ambiguity about their poli- tics and its effects. Meanwhile provocative images and songs attract the critical attention and create the political controversy that helps to sell their music. Ian Stuart recognizes that controversy can sell music in his bitter remarks about legal double standards that he claims give Black rappers, like Ice-T, more room to maneuver politically.
However, this claim ignores the racist reality that keeps commercially successful Black rappers pandering to white fantasies of the black gangsta, thug, and pimp, instead of just keeping it real. He also arguably paid a high price, including multiple jail terms, for his white suprema- cist politics.
However, claims to integrity and authenticity are also mar- keting tools, as a major white power music distributors website appeal to listeners reveals: You are not merely consumers of a product, and we are not merely distributors of a product. Together we are fighting a war to awaken the survival instincts in a dying people [the white race].
You, our supporters, are our most valuable ally in that war. I return to this issue of authenticity in chapter 5. The Punk Defense also cleverly bypasses the issue that words in themselves have the power to wound, including words with ambigu- ous and fluid meanings. When Iris Young stresses the importance of recognizing the role of rhetoric, including humor and music, in a more pluralistic concept of democratic discourse, she does not mean jokes that intentionally offend members of historically oppressed groups.
Nor does she endorse arguments that victims who object to racial slurs and other fighting words are just too sensitive or lack a sense of humor. For humor to succeed in promoting cross-cultural understand- ing everyone involved must understand the joke and think it is funny. These problems posed by the Punk Defense extend well beyond legal debates over definitions of hate speech and its protections as free speech.
They raise deeper concerns about where liberal tolerance ends and mutual respect and genuine understanding begin.
In this context, playing with hate refers to the tendency of many liberal democrats to overlook the white supremacists organizing in their midst and to deny the racist history of hegemonic liberalism.
He concludes that to safeguard our nation from future acts of terror- ism, a constant awareness of right-wing extremist beliefs, activities, and adherents must be maintained. The racist skinhead music scene raises deeper problems within liberal democracy: its hate-filled swarms cannot be effectively managed by political and economic institutions, including those of the inverted totalitarian order Wolin depicts.
Another related tendency is important here. According to Wendy Brown, liberal democrats tend to assume that individuals freely choose their culture, and less civilized, less reasonable Others, such as fundamentalists and traditionalists, have a culture or even are their culture. As we saw in chapter 1, Jrgen Habermas thinks the translation of cultural differences, including religious beliefs, into legal-political discourse offers the promise of democratic inclusion for the citizens of multicultural, multinational territories.
Yet the notion that cultural and political identities occupy separate spheres may let the seemingly normal citizens of liberal democracies off the culture hook. This presumed separation also contributes to mainstream perceptions of right-wing extremists as abnormal or aberrant, that is, as disturbed or psychotic, individuals. If, as Sontag suggests, deep longings for the romantic ideals of fascist aesthetics persist even in liberal democracy, then perhaps its ordinary citizens can also be had by their cultural- political history.
Racist skinheads inverted totalitarian aesthetic retains important aspects of the fascist aesthetic Sontag describes, especially its emphasis on heroic male leadership, political and economic resis- tance, and racial power, privilege, and solidarity. In an era that purports to be postracial, this largely unacknowledged cultural politics may remain attractive on some level to many liberal democratic citizens.
If so, recent rises in hate groups could reflect a sort of heyday or, more appropriately, nadir of white cultural politics. Liberal tolerance, and perhaps even liberal democracy itself, do increasingly seem to be com- ing undone. The challenge is to create the awareness among committed liberal democrats that this right-wing cultural politics is an unacknowledged aspect of their political history and national identity.
The cultural- political roots of liberal democracy include conquest and genocide along with freedom and equality. In the presence of such systematic racism, why assume that fugitive movements or youthful swarms will mobilize on behalf of democratic ideals? Such assumptions move too quickly past the troubled origins of liberal democracy in white suprem- acy.
It is here that the most profound inversion continues to occur. It is not merely an inversion of classical fascism but an inversion of racial reality or, what Mills calls, an epistemology of ignorance. From within their white racial frame, many whites cannot perceive accurately the hegemonic liberal order they have created.
Because their whiteness is normalized and today offers no guarantees of economic success or even stability, they struggle to see their racial powers and privileges and often misperceive themselves as the victims of reverse discrimi- nation or reverse racism. As we have seen, this white ignorance has powerful psychological motivations, though for many whites they are largely unconscious. In this context, merely to call for a more inclu- sive and participatory democracy is woefully inadequate and potentially dangerous as recent high-profile hate crimes reveal.
All too often white power music plays a role in the violence. An unacknowledged investment in whiteness pervades the history of liberal democracy from Britain to America and beyond. In his recent reflections on late-modern citizenship, Stephen White takes up the question of cultural politics where Wolin leaves off.
He explores many liberal democrats rush to position otherness as differ- ence-to-be-controlled-and-dominated. For White, democracy ideally becomes a continual presencing and absencing of the demoi, an ongoing politics of enactment that is attuned to democracy and difference. For White, this more inclusive democratic politics is primarily realized through the processes of delib- eration. This is not a small problem, as the game is centered around ranged combat, with only one class capable of melee without buying the skill separately.
There's even two pages describing what weapon stats are and mean, and still none are provided until a correction was printed. Mechanically, a character starts with a hundred points to spread across eight attributes max of 30 and a thousand credits for gear. There are eight classes Gladiator, Leader, Soldier, Scholar, Sniper, Hero, Athlete and Medic each providing a special bonus and a few stat bonuses, plus two skills. The player chooses two further skills.
Each time the PC levels, they get points that can be spent thus: 50 points to learn a new skill, 20 to level an old one each skill has five levels, cannot raise by more than one at a time 20 points to buff a base stat by 1 almost worthless, each stat has a skill that raises it by more 5 points can be spent to raise HP by 1, and points can be converted to in-game money at a ratio, so credits if you dump the whole level into cash. Other features include a punishing encumbrance mechanic and guns that also gain experience and level, gaining bonus damage and accuracy, as well as "gun speed" initiative bonuses.
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